New Delhi, Feb 22 (IANS) The surprising exit of former Assam Congress chief Bhupen Kumar Borah over “humiliation” within the party has brought the focus back on Congress’ perennial decline and its failures, particularly the party high command, in pacifying the veterans from moving out and also in settling the factional feuds that have lately turned out to be the biggest reasons behind its electoral setbacks.
In many states, Congress units have been reduced to the margins, marred by internal party disputes and tussles and the lack of trust and confidence among its allies.
The party high command, being the last resort in defusing problematic situations, has failed to rise to the occasion, apparently because of its “inertia and latency” in decision-making, leading to its persistent decline.
In past five years alone, multiple instances point to the Congress’s failures and setbacks under Rahul Gandhi’s stewardship. Not just a dismal show in elections, the party has seen all-out war within its state units, failure to stem the differences within, inability to forge ties with regional satraps, and also failing to convince disgruntled leaders from jumping ship.
The Siddaramaiah-DK Shivakumar power tussle in Karnataka is the latest episode of open factionalism in the Congress that has played out in the open for months, but the high command has failed to bring peace between the warring factions. Gandhi’s meeting with Shivakumar also didn’t yield anything substantial, as the reports claim that the “rebellion” is far from over.
Here are a few instances when the Congress top brass has been ‘found wanting’ when confronted with predicaments. Instead of steering the ship, the top leadership was seen leaving the state units to deal with “uncomfortable situations’ on their own. And, the pattern remained the same across the country.
In Himachal Pradesh, two factions led by Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu and Pratibha Singh engaged in an organisational battle over the state party President post in 2025 and even held several meetings in Delhi to conclude a deal. The party had dissolved its state unit, which led to a scramble for the top post, with the top leadership even mulling a formula of 1 state President and 4 Working Presidents to balance factions.
In Delhi and NCR, the party’s clout remains in shambles and looks beyond repair.
Despite being out of power in the national capital for 15 years, which it had ruled for 15 years under Sheila Dikshit, a united face evades the party. It’s rout in Delhi elections 2025 shows the rot that the party finds itself in.
In adjoining Haryana, the grand old party had a golden opportunity in 2024 to overthrow the BJP government, but internal rivalry doomed its chances of revival. The groupings, led by Bhupinder Singh Hooda and Kumari Selja, crossed paths ahead ofthe Assembly elections, robbing the party of an opportunity it could have encashed.
In Punjab, the chronic factionalism that played out from 2022 to 2026 sullied its chances. The bitter fight between Captain Amarinder Singh and Navjot Singh Sidhu made the central leadership uncomfortable, prompting it to intervene after initially dilly-dallying. Charanjit Singh Channi took over, but the damage was done and overwhelming enough not to recover from.
Uttar Pradesh, the biggest state with two Gandhi pocket boroughs, also depicts the sorry state of affairs for the party. The party dissolved its state unit in 2024, hoping for resurrection, but it largely remains non-existent.
In North-Eastern states, including Arunachal Pradesh and Assam, the party remains in disarray.
Former Assam Congress chief Borah resigned from the party just ahead of the impending elections, citing “insult and ignorance” by the top leadership and has switched over to the BJP. Here also, Gandhi’s attempts to mollify him as he rejected his call.
In West Bengal, another state heading to polls in 2026, the party has been relegated to margins by its own regional ally, the Trinamool Congress. Mamata Banerjee-led Trinamool has dumped it ahead of crucial elections and rejected its overtures to strike a deal.
In the 2025 Jharkhand Assembly elections, the party fought elections with Hemant Soren-led JMM, but that didn’t end well as it was accused of betrayal by the regional ally.
In the 2025 Bihar Assembly elections, Congress and RJD mounted a visibly strong campaign, but as the results gave the incumbent govt a thumbs-up, it was seen as a ‘liability’, rather than an asset. The same was the case in the 2020 Assembly elections.
In Odisha, the PCC remains marred by the exits of key leaders. Having failed to make a mark in the 2024 Assembly elections, the state unit remains in limbo.
In the Western belt, the Congress’s internal struggles have deprived it of revival chances.
Rajasthan, a Congress-ruled state, saw the ouster of the Ashok Gehlot government in 2023 and it was largely blamed on the showdown between Chief Minister Gehlot and his former deputy Sachin Pilot. Various reports saw the open discord denting the party’s prospects, first in the Assembly elections and then in the LS polls.
In Gujarat, the grand old party has failed to challenge the over two-decade dominance of the BJP government. The previous elections saw the Central leadership ‘doubting the credentials’ of its own party leaders in the state, with some claiming that they worked for the ruling dispensation.
In Maharashtra, the party’s strength and presence have withered over time owing to the exit of veterans and high-profile leaders. The central leadership stood in wait and watch mode while key leaders quit the party.
Tamil Nadu, headed for polls this year, is getting ready for a fierce fight with the BJP upping the ante. The DMK and the Congress are in alliance, but so is the growing discord and differences within the alliance owing to seat-sharing.
–IANS
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